In November 2016, immediately after Donald Trump’s election, Yeats’ famous lament over the apocalyptic carnage of World War I seemed to capture that moment in our history.

Of course, our nation survived the next four years. The “centre” did hold, but just barely: On Jan. 6, 2021, for hours “mere anarchy” was loosed upon the nation’s Capitol. Police tried desperately to protect the vice president and the Congress against a “blood-dimmed tide” seeking to overturn the election. Blood flowed freely in the Capitol as Trump sat on his hands in the White House, cheering on his Proud Boys storming the barricades.

Somehow, Congress mustered the courage to perform its Constitutional duty to certify the Electoral College vote. Two weeks later, Chief Justice John Roberts administered the oath to a new president—Joseph Robinette Biden. The center had held, at least for the next four years.

Just this month, the center also held in two of our major European allies: In the United Kingdom, the Labour Party won a resounding victory, promising to restore essential services that had been devastated by 14 years of conservative neglect. In France, an alliance of left/center parties prevented a far-right takeover of their National Assembly.

President Joe Biden had fashioned his 2020 victory by affirming centrist economic policies, promising to build the economy “from the bottom up and the middle out.” The results have been impressive: Inflation fell by two-thirds, solid wage growth actually exceeded inflation, and employment is at record highs. By all accounts, Joe Biden should be sailing to a second term with the wind at his back.

And yet, for too many Americans, Biden’s message just isn’t selling. Even before his disastrous appearance at the CNN “debate” on June 27, in most polls Biden was within the margin-of-error at best, especially in the key battleground states.

How is this even possible? In today’s distorted media environment, it’s not just possible—it’s almost inevitable. Consider the strategy of Steve Bannon, the recently imprisoned advisor to Trump and other white nationalists on the far-right: “Democrats don’t matter,” Bannon said in 2018. “The real opposition is the media. And the way to deal with them is to flood the zone with shit.” Loudmouth media hacks like Bannon feed into a voracious maw of racism and xenophobia, exploiting voters’ fears of minorities, immigrants, LGBTQ-plus people, and … the list goes on.

What could President Biden have done to calm these fears, to transform the media landscape from the political center? Could he have used—could he still use—his “bully pulpit” to stop the flood of right-wing sewage pouring from the polluted pipes of people like Bannon, Sean Hannity, Tucker Carlson, and Alex Jones?

Is there still time for Biden to emerge as the type of moral leader that he clearly aspires to be?

I’m confident that he can, but only by taking dramatic steps to affirm his appeal to the political center, to the independent voters, and those few remaining “mainstream” Republicans who will decide this election.

When he goes to Chicago next month to accept the Democratic nomination for president, Biden could reclaim the center and virtually guarantee reelection in November by bringing in a former Republican to the top of the ticket.

• First, of course, he’d have to convince VP Kamala Harris to accept a Cabinet post—ideally, the attorney general. I know, that’s heresy to those of us who are enamored of VP Harris. Honestly, I even prefer her at the top of the ticket. But she should be happy to make this “sacrifice.”

• Next, make an offer to Liz Cheney or Adam Kinzinger to step up as the VP nominee for this election in place of Harris—on two conditions: First, he or she must re-register as a Democrat (Kinzinger already left the GOP). And second, should s/he ascend to the presidency at any point, they’d honor Biden’s public commitment to nominate Harris for the next vacancy on the Supreme Court.

I’m aware that many Democrats are discussing renewed concerns about Biden’s age. Many are urging Biden to end his campaign, with Harris taking the top of the ticket.

Could she win in November? At best, it’s a toss-up; Harris doesn’t occupy any part of the political center.

But, a Biden-Cheney or Biden-Kinzinger ticket in November? Either one could accrue meaningful support among independents and mainstream Republicans, assuring victory.

Moreover, this move would flip the script on Trump’s pot-calling-kettle claim that Biden is “too old.” Should Biden be unable to serve as president, who’s next in the line of succession? A confirmed centrist, an individual with profound moral credentials who could unite the nation, affirming the vitality of our Constitution and our democracy—i.e., a president with many of the same virtues as—wait for it—Joe Biden.

The center must hold. Biden could confirm his legacy and build a bridge for a new generation of leadership.

Mr. President, just this week you wrote to the Democratic members of Congress, and you said it best: We have one job in this campaign, and that’s to defeat Donald Trump. Here’s a road map for how to do it. Δ

John Ashbaugh still uses road maps from the Automobile Club to get around. Even on his e-bike, or on Amtrak, or when his iPhone can’t get a GPS signal. Send a response for publication by emailing it to letters@newtimesslo.com.

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5 Comments

  1. This is an inventive idea, except that Liz Cheney supports a conserative Republican agenda that most Democrats would find anethema to their values. Not to mention the fact that her popularity with Republicans is dubious.

  2. A creative approach, but unworkable. For one, both Cheney and Kinzinger are merely nominally Republican. A conservative Democrat would be more acceptable. While opposition to Trump alone would not be disqualifying to many of us, both have staked out positions in opposition to the rest of the party, not just against Trump. Two, the use of a nominal Republican only addresses the failings of the current candidates, and does nothing to reconcile the immense differences in policy of each side. A Democratic candidate would be expected to follow the current party line, which is what most Republicans and centrists find objectionable. We want the borders secured, the obscene deficit spending reduced, pro-criminal and anti-police policies eliminated, and the divisive social positions, like identity politics and the war on gender, eliminated. The current Democratic party would not accept such changes. I think that the majority of the American voters are going to be sending a very clear message on policy this November.

  3. “I think that the majority of the American voters are going to be sending a very clear message on policy this November.”

    Maybe the majority of white men, but Trump will still lose the popular vote by between 2 and 5 million. The first time he ran he lost by 2.8 million and four years ago it was 7 million. His negative polling is still far above 50%. Of course, in America we use the antiquated electoral college which will probably give Trump the win, partially because states such as Georgia have been working overtime to disenfranchise voters of color.

  4. The so called popular vote is nothing more than millions of non producing people sucking off the gov….that the crazy left pander too over populated urban lefty dont represent the country

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